Showing posts with label Mary Magdalene. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mary Magdalene. Show all posts

Friday, April 25, 2008

The widow penalty is a little known crack in the law........

There are 10 messages in this issue.

Topics in this digest:

1. FW: THE PRICE OF A MEXICAN
From: Marinez, Juan

2. FW: Two Chicken Stories: NAFTA's Real Winners and Losers
From: Marinez, Juan

3. support for Asian Pacific Cultural Center in St. Paul
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez

4. Diversity Dialogue of Southern Minnesota
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez

5. Iranian Nobel Peace Prize in St. Paul 4/25
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez

6. Activism and justice upcoming events
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez

7. FW: Lawmaker stuns Colo. House by calling [Mexican]farmworkers 'ill
From: Marinez, Juan

8. FW: Arizona Legislation will attempt to outlaw MEChA& Chicano Studie
From: Marinez, Juan

9. Immigration: End the Widow Penalty
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez

10. Hispanic lawmakers call House Democrats 'spineless' on immigration
From: Francisco J. Gonzalez


Messages
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1. FW: THE PRICE OF A MEXICAN
Posted by: "Marinez, Juan" marinezj@anr.msu.edu
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 6:23 am ((PDT))

COLUMN OF THE AMERICAS
APRIL 14, 2008
BY ROBERTO DR. CINTLI RODRIGUEZ
THE PRICE OF A MEXICAN

In early December, a Mexican family is pulled over by a Tucson police
officer who promptly calls immigration officers to the scene. In the
meantime, a passenger, Miriam Aviles-Reyes, goes into early labor on
the street. While her husband is deported, she is taken to a hospital.
There, an immigration agent prods her to "push." Outraged, she demands
that he leave the hospital room. After he leaves, she gives birth, and
is subsequently ordered to leave the country by the end of the month.
Appeals to allow her and her newborn to keep their doctor appointments
are denied.

Not coincidentally, her departure was set to coincide one day before a
new draconian anti-immigrant law (HB 2779) in Arizona went into
effect.

As abhorrent as this traumatically induced birth was, she is actually
one of the "lucky" ones. This is a part of the country in which since
the mid-1990s, some 5,000 migrants from Mexico, Central and South
America have died attempting to cross inhospitable deserts and
mountains for a chance to work in this country. Many others die in
horrific crashes as smugglers increasingly attempt to evade "the
migra." Some are killed by rogue agents, whereas many women are
sexually assaulted. Few perpetrators are ever convicted. This is also
minutemen vigilante country. It is where migrants get blamed for the
failure of politicians to pass just and humane labor and immigration
agreements. As a result, migrants continue to die and millions of
dollars continue to be wasted to erect walls of fear and hate along
the southern border.

Similar to the more than 1,000 laws that have recently passed
nationwide, the Arizona law panders to those that scapegoat Mexicans
for the nation's problems. They also conflate immigration enforcement
with the "war on terror" and the need to "protect the homeland." This
state law severely punishes employers for hiring undocumented
immigrants. Not unexpectedly, along with hate crimes, reports of
employment harassment and discrimination are on the rise.

Down the highway, under the guise of crime suppression, Maricopa
County Sheriff Joe Arpaio has gone wild, initiating massive dragnet
raids that target Mexicans, resembling a modern version of "Indian
Removal." Similar raids are taking place around the country, though
not against Canadians or Europeans, etc (nor should they). Nowadays,
there are special inhumane holding facilities for immigrant children
and families (T.D. Hutto Res. Ctr, Taylor, TX) - run by the for-profit
Correction Corporation of America (CCA). There are also expedited
immigration courts on military bases (Davis Monthan Air Force Base)
with the objective of criminalizing en masse as many migrants as
possible. Also profiting from such kangaroo courts is CCA.

The entire country is going through a convulsion, fueled by fears over
who belongs and who doesn't. Mexicans have gone from being "others" to
enemies. Extremists want them all deported - regardless of their legal
status. Yet even some "progressives" see them as but part of a
subservient class. Yet, there is hope.

At the recent annual banquet in Tucson held by the Coalicion de
Derechos Humanos organization, I approach a woman with a cane.
Sometimes I see her walking with the aid of two canes. I ask Raquel
Rubio Goldsmith, an immigration rights veteran and the director of the
University of Arizona's Binational Migration Institute, how she
maintains her sanity in this environment.

She says few words. It's her eyes that tell the story. Her eyes do not
well up nor is there a sign of anger. Instead they reflect
exasperation, not with right-wingers, but with the complacent middle.
Thousands of migrants die and people just go on with their lives,
unmoved to action.

At this banquet, Gerald Lenoir, head of the Black Alliance for Just
Immigration, delivers the keynote address and along with it hope as he
links the historic struggle of the African American community with the
struggle for the dignity of migrants - peoples who are nowadays
viewed as less than human. By his very presence, both he and Derechos
Humanos show a different way.

After a subsequent conference (No Vale Nada la Vida? - Is life not
worth anything?) in which death on the border is the focus - with lots
of disturbing imagery - I again ask Rubio-Goldsmith how she maintains
her sanity amid the indifference. The exasperation she feels also
extends to the media, she confides: "me dan tanta rabia" (the media
infuriate me), she says.

What I really want to ask her is: What indeed is the price of a
Mexican? A few years back, a Texas court determined it was $4,000.
However, in today's climate, it's probably worth about as much as that
of an Iraqi. Yet I think of the migrants that are continually found in
the desert and I ponder Rubio-Goldsmith's reactions.

(c) Column of the Americas 2008

Rodriguez can be contacted at: XColumn@gmail.com

For updates regarding immigration related issues, go to:
http://www.derechoshumanosaz.net






Messages in this topic (1)
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
2. FW: Two Chicken Stories: NAFTA's Real Winners and Losers
Posted by: "Marinez, Juan" marinezj@anr.msu.edu
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 7:09 am ((PDT))




Two Chicken Stories: NAFTA's Real Winners and Losers


Laura Carlsen | April 17, 2008


e.org/am/5159','TellAFriend','scrolling=yes,resizable,width=600,height=4
00')>


=email&utm_content=547431&utm_campaign=Two%20Chicken%20Stories%3A%20The%
20Realities%20of%20NAFTA%20%7C%20Laura%20Carlsen#comments>

Americas Program, Center for International Policy (CIP)

americas.irc-online.org

http://americas.irc-online.org/am/5159?utm_source=streamsend&utm_medium=
email&utm_content=547431&utm_campaign=Two%20Chicken%20Stories%3A%20The%2
0Realities%20of%20NAFTA%20%7C%20Laura%20Carlsen

Pedro Martin works on a chicken farm just outside the village of
Pegueros, Jalisco. The state of Jalisco ranks among Mexico's top
chicken-producing states, providing the nation with 11% of all chicken
meat produced.

Many of Pedro's friends and relatives have already left Pegueros, pushed
up north by the bleak joblessness and poverty of their hometown. But
Pedro told the Washington Post that he's determined to stick it out in
Mexico.

For many years, he and his co-workers had little reason to even consider
making the dangerous trek across the border. They made a decent living
at the chicken farm, and the locally-produced chickens found a steady
market in the region.

But since all protective tariff barriers to U.S. imports were removed on
January 1st of this year, Pedro's not sure he'll have a job anymore.
Chicken wasn't originally on the list for final tariff elimination in
2008. It was slated for zero tariffs and import controls for the year
2003.

Faced with an influx of U.S. chicken exports, the industry convinced the
Mexican government that "imports cause a threat of serious damage to the
national industry." The government asked for a safeguard to restore
tariff protection, and it was pushed back to 2008.

The negotiation wasn't that hard. U.S. producers didn't oppose the
measure since the export of leg quarters to Mexico is merely
supplementary income for them. U.S. producers in general make up costs
plus profit just through the sale of the coveted breast meat on the U.S.
market. The Mexican industry alleged that U.S. poultry producers were
"dumping" (exporting below costs) the leg quarters on their market.

Lorenzo Martin, president of the neighboring Tepatitlan Poultry Farmers
Association and the head of a large, well-established poultry farm in
the area warns, "If the United States starts selling things extra cheap
outside the United States, then it won't just be small farmers and
individuals who will be leaving. It will be people like me."

Some of Mexico's chicken farmers displaced from their own communities
could end up working in substandard conditions in poultry processing
plants in the United States. The world's largest poultry producer,
Tyson, has been sued twice now for operating an illegal immigrant
smuggling operation that included recruiting in Mexico, providing false
documents, and employing undocumented workers. A class action suit
charged that these practices enabled the company to drive down wages by
10-30%.

In a 2005 Human Rights Watch report
, a Tyson
worker at one of its Arkansas plants stated in Spanish, "They have us
under threat [bajo amenaza] all the time. They know most of us are
undocumented-probably two-thirds. All they care about is getting bodies
into the plant. My supervisor said they say they'll call the INS if we
make trouble." Although ample evidence was presented on both hiring and
recruiting practices, the politically powerful Arkansas-based
transnational beat the rap.

Tyson also controls, along with Pilgrim's Pride and the Mexican company
Bachoco, 52% of chicken production in Mexico today, thanks in large part
to favorable foreign investment rules under NAFTA. These factory farms
typically lead to lay-offs and increased pollution. The rapid
concentration of poultry production in Mexico has been called a threat
to food sovereignty for future generations.

NAFTA promised win-win economic integration throughout the continent.
These two chicken stories do add up to a win-win-but only for the likes
of Tyson.

Tyson wins when it takes over the Mexican market share and drives
Pedro's company out of business. It wins again when it hires Pedro, now
unemployed, as an undocumented worker in a U.S. plant. Meanwhile, for
its workers-migrants and native, documented and undocumented-corporate
mobility coupled with repressive immigration laws means lower wages,
fewer benefits, and less power in the employer-employee relationship
both abroad and at home.

If we add in U.S. government corn and soybean subsidies that have
delivered an estimated $1.25 billion a year in feedstock savings to
Tyson and its three closest competitors, things could hardly be better
for the food giant.

This is the single most important thing to understand about NAFTA-who
are the winners and the losers. Tyson's win-win scenario is a lose-lose
for Pedro and thousands like him. The international system is rigged to
strengthen the hand of mega-corporations and weaken small farmers,
workers, women producers, and migrants.

The good news is that we can create a new win-win scenario. We can
reform immigration policies to integrate workers legally into the system
and provide full labor rights so they are not, by their very existence,
unfair competition to U.S.-born workers. We can guarantee the right to
organize, the only route open to evening up the imbalances and
inequality of the system.

We can also heed the call of small farmers in Mexico and even U.S.
presidential candidates and renegotiate NAFTA to create and maintain
decent jobs in both Mexico and the United States.

Laura Carlsen (lcarlsen(@)ciponline.org) is director of the Americas
Policy Program www.americaspolicy.org
in Mexico City. The Americas Mexico Blog is found at
www.americasmexico.blogspot.com
.







Messages in this topic (1)
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
3. support for Asian Pacific Cultural Center in St. Paul
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 7:56 am ((PDT))

support for Asian Pacific Cultural Center in St. Paul

Five weeks left in the session: Can the APCC come
back?

http://www.aapress.com/index.php?subaction=showfull&id=1208574609&archive=&start_from=&ucat=3&

Governor Pawlenty used his line item veto to remove
funding for the Asian Pacific Cultural Center in the
bill sent to him by the Legislature. There is still an
opportunity to gain the Governor’s support for the
project, however, say community leaders.

(St. Paul) The citizens, lawmakers and businesses of
Minnesota already know about the Asian Pacific
Cultural Center, and they understand the benefits to
the community and its importance to the state’s
economy. Now what must be conveyed is the urgent need
to convince Governor Pawlenty that the APCC is worth
funding. These are the sentiments of Naomi Chu of the
Asian Pacific Cultural Center. She and others,
including Adeel Lari, Board Chair, met on Tuesday
afternoon to discuss the Governor’s veto of the
project’s funding, which was included in the bill sent
to him by the legislature, as well as a strategic plan
on how to move forward.

“After thinking for the past week, we have not come up
with any alternatives,” said Mr. Lari. “I believe the
Cultural Center will be built, “but without bonding,
the vision of that site, right now, that goes away.”

The Asian Pacific Cultural Center, or APCC, was
incorporated as non profit ten years ago when the
diverse Asian American Communities in Minnesota
decided that they would all benefit by working
together to build a place “to celebrate, promote and
foster understanding of Asian Pacific cultural
heritage.” The state of Minnesota has already invested
$400,000 in the project and APCC was granted rights to
develop a portion of the former Hamm Brewery site in
St. Paul. This money will be wasted if APCC is not
build at the Hamm brewery site, says Adeel Lari.

Members of the APCC are confused about why Pawlenty
would veto funding for Center, which amounted to five
million dollars in the current bonding bill, prior to
the veto. There are over 200,000 Asian Americans
living in Minnesota, but the Cultural Center would
benefit the entire state. “The legislature obviously
supports this project – they included it in the
bonding bill in the first place” said Adeel Lari. He
is all the more confused, he says, because the project
parallels the Governor’s own agenda. “People say,
‘this is the Asian Century.’ These countries are the
rising economic powers. Governor Pawlenty recognized
this, taking trade missions to China and India.” He
feels a center like this will be an important economic
and development tool for the state of Minnesota,
helping businesses understand Asian cultures and take
advantage of international opportunities.

These opportunities have been recognized by other
states, as well – no less than five delegations from
other states throughout the nation were in Asia at the
same time as Governor Pawlenty, also trying to find a
way to be involved there. “The sooner the center
happens, the sooner we have an advantage over other
states.”

A strong public-private partnership has grown in
support of the Asian Pacific Cultural Center. The
state funding in this year’s bonding bill is a vital
component of the estimated 18 million needed to build
the center, the rest of which will come from a
coalition of private donors, the federal government,
the City of St. Paul, Minnesota businesses, private
foundations, and other sources. Not having the funding
of the State of Minnesota has serious implications for
the public-private partnership, however. The current
vision for the Center is not viable in the absence of
the five million dollars in the current bill. “The
Governor’s veto is the only thing standing the way of
this project’s success.”

Members of the Center’s Board of Directors emphasized
that they were very surprised the Governor vetoed
funding. “This is very much a bipartisan project that
has support from around the state, not only in St.
Paul. This is not simply a St. Paul project – most of
the people on the Board are not from St. Paul, many
are from outside the Cities.” Besides the large
population of Asian Minnesotans, many other
stakeholders have interest in seeing the APCC become a
reality. People who love and support Asian arts and
cultures, children that have been adopted and their
families, and the many businesses that recognize the
Center as an important link have advocated for the
project.

In regards to an immediate plan of action to rescue
the Cultural Center, Adeel Lari and Naomi Chu say the
goal is to get included in a supplemental bill. The
call on supporters of the APCC who have relationships
with the Governor and his office to have conversations
on behalf of the project in order to convince Pawlenty
of its necessity. They are calling on the community to
inundate the Governor’s office with support for the
APCC. “Minnesotans see the value of this project. We
hope the governor sees the value as well.”

The Legislature has already done its part, they say.
They have written the bill. If Pawlenty wants to
support funding for the APCC, it will go through, they
say. The legislature needs an indication from the
Governor’s office, otherwise, “why try twice.” “It is
in the Governor’s hands. The Governor and nobody else.
He vetoed it, it’s his responsibility to put it back
in.”

To contact the Office of Governor Tim Pawlenty, call
651-296-3391or send an email to
tim.pawlenty@state.mn.us

Naomi Chu at The Asian Pacific Cultural Center can be
reached at nchu@apccmn.org.



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________________________________________________________________________
4. Diversity Dialogue of Southern Minnesota
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 8:41 am ((PDT))

Diversity Dialogue of Southern Minnesota

Luncheon & Panel Discussion

Save the Date:


Thursday, May 8, 2008
12:30 - 4:30 pm

12:30 -1:15 pm: Lunch provided by Diversity Dialogue
of Southern Minnesota

1:20 - 2:30 pm: Demographics Presentation by Barbara
Roningen, State Demography Office

2:35 - 4:15 pm: Panel Discussion

4:20 pm: Close

Location:

South Central Services Cooperative
2075 Lookout Drive
North Mankato, MN 56003


Directions: From Hwy 14 through Mankato , take County
Road 13/Lookout Drive and go north approximately 1
mile to South Central Services Cooperative, 2075
Lookout Drive, North Mankato .


Topic:

Engaging Southern Minnesota's Changing Demographics
and Fostering an Environment for Inclusion

Please RSVP to: dvdialog@umn.edu

There is no fee to attend, but reservations are
required.


For further information call:
Diversity Dialogue of Southern Minnesota
c/o Lois Kennis 507-536-6309



Funded by
SOUTHERN MINNESOTA INITIATIVE FOUNDATION
Diversity Dialogue of Southern Minnesota
Diversity Dialogue Steering Committee
c/o University of Minnesota Extension
863 30th Avenue SE Rochester , MN 55904-4915







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________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
5. Iranian Nobel Peace Prize in St. Paul 4/25
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 8:41 am ((PDT))

Friday @ Hamline: Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Laureate
Posted by: "Eric Angell" eric-angell@riseup.net
eangellii
Tue Apr 22, 2008 5:55 pm (PDT)
"The Roots of Chaos in the Middle East"
Presented by Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Laureate

Friday, April 25, 7 pm

Hamline University's Sundin Music Hall
1531 Hewitt Avenue, St. Paul

An Iranian lawyer and human rights activist, Dr. Ebadi
was awarded the
Nobel Peace Prize in 2003 for her significant and
pioneering efforts in
democracy and the rights of women and children.

Free and open to the public
Call 651-523-2223


____________________________________________________________________________________
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6. Activism and justice upcoming events
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 9:28 am ((PDT))

Interns Needed
Interested in learning activist skills? Want to work
on the RNC demonstration? You can volunteer one day
a week or more this summer with the Anti-War
Committee. We will construct an internship
opportunity for you where you get to learn the types
of skills you are interested in. If you can get your
school or university to give you credit for this
experience we are willing to help with the appropriate
paper work.

Email us at info@antiwarcommitt ee.org to set up an
opportunity to speak with our intern coordinator.
Please leave a phone number you can be reached at in
your message.



Volunteer Day: Volunteer for Peace
SAT, 4/26 at noon @ Anti-War Committee Office, 1313
5th St. SE, Rm 213

Bring your creativity and energy to paint signs, do
data entry, make buttons, etc. Artistic skills
welcome, but not required.

What will it take to end the war in Iraq? Event with
Jodie Evans, national co-founder of CODEPINK: Women
for Peace

TUES, 4/29 @ 7 pm @ Betsy's Back Porch Coffee, 5447
Nicollet Ave S, Minneapolis (corner of Nicollet &
Diamond Lake Rd.)

Jodie has been a community, social, and political
organizer for the last 30 years. She has used her
skills to protect the earth, to give voice to
communities who go unheard and unseen, to advocate for
human and civil rights, to protect the rights of
women, to raise the minimum wage for farm workers, and
most recently to call for an end to the U.S.
occupation of Iraq.

Jodie will address the following topics in a
presentation and discussion: Success and challenges
of the anti-war movement, New strategies for ending
the war, and Protest at this fall's Republican
National Convention. Everyone is welcome. Sponsored
by MN CODEPINK:Women for Peace, Email:
mncodepink@gmail. com or call: 651-769-4474

Stand Up for the Right to March on the RNC to Stop the
War
THURS, 5/ 1 @ 11:00 a.m. @ Minnesota State Capitol,
West Steps, 75 Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
Boulevard, St. Paul

Due to a legality, we can and must maintain a number
of marches on this route regularly, in order to be
able to obtain a permit to march against war when the
RNC comes to town in September 1. Gather at the
Minnesota State Capitol, march past the Xcel Center
and return to the State Capitol. City officials have
been dragging their feet on granting permits for a
major antiwar march on September 1, 2008, set to
coincide with the Republican National Convention (RNC)
being held in St. Paul at that time. The Coalition to
March on the RNC and Stop the War will be marching the
planned route regularly between now and the
convention. Interested in being a peace marshal: Call
Marie Braun, 612-522-1861. Info: Coalition to March
on the RNC and Stop the War, 612-234-8774 or online at
marchonrnc.org

Immigration March on International Workers Day
THURS, 5/1 @ 2:00 p.m.@ Corner of Kellogg and Robert,
St. Paul

March to the State Capital to demand a stop to all
raids and deportations of immigrants. Call for the
immediate and unconditional legalization for all!
Join the anti-war section with the Anti-War Committee!
Organized by: the May 1st Coalition, Info:
651-389-9174.

May Day Parade & Festival: March and Table for Peace
SUN, 5/4, all day, Powderhorn Park, Mpls

The parade starts at 1pm and tabling goes from 1 -
5pm. This is one of our biggest outreach efforts of
the year. Interested in marching or volunteering for
the Anti-War Committee at this progressive festival?
Email (info@antiwarcommitt ee.org) or call us
(612.379.3899) .

New Members' Meeting: Join the Anti-War Committee
THURS, 5/15 @ 7pm @ 1313 5th St. SE, Mpls (Dinkytown),
conference room 102A

Interested in organizing against the war? Want to
build for major demonstrations at the RNC this
September? Come help organize events to stop the war.
New people are welcome every week, but this meeting
is designed to be especially for new people.
Questions? info@antiwarcommitt ee.org or
612.379.3899.

IRAQ: Five years of war and occupation with Sami
Rasouli
THURS, 5/15 @ 7 pm @ Church of St. William 6120 5th St
NE, Fridley

Sami Rasouli is an Iraqi American who has spent the
last three years living in the city of Najaf, Iraq and
traveling throughout Iraq in his work with the Muslim
Peacemaker Teams (MPT). Sami, who has lived and worked
for many years in the Twin Cities before going back to
live and work in Iraq will talk about "the surge" and
the on-going U.S. military occupation, his work for
peace and national reconciliation, and the projects of
the MPT. He will also share stories of the people he
has met and give a first hand account of conditions in
Iraq today.
Sponsored by: The Social Justice Committee of St
Williams.

Art-A-Whirl with Mizna
5/16 – 18 @ Mizna office, 2205 California Street NE
#109A, Minneapolis.

Visit Mizna in their office and get a chance to see
where it all happens during Northeast's Art-a-Whirl.
A complimentary journal for every visitor who mentions
this email. For more information: http://www.mizna.
org

Al-Nakba: Say NO to more massacres of Palestinians!
SAT, 5/17 @ 1pm @ Loring Park, Minneapolis

Al-Nakba, "the Catastrophe", coincides with the
anniversary of the
founding of the modern state of Israel and the theft
of large tracts of Palestinian land. Since Israel was
founded 60 years ago, millions of Palestinians have
been forced to become refugees and thousands of
Palestinians have been killed. This year has been
especially brutal on the people of Gaza. Yet the
Palestinians continue to struggle for their rights,
their land and their resources. This demonstration is
to stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people and
against U.S. aid to Israel. Organized by the Coalition
for Palestinian Rights (CPR) and endorsed by the
Anti-War Committee. FFI: Call Sarah Martin at
612-437-0222.

Journal Release Party with invited writer Susan
Abulhawa.
5/22 @ 7:30 pm, @ Open Book, 1011 Washington Avenue
South, Minneapolis, $5

Join Mizna to celebrate their publication of Volume
10, Issue 1 of their literary journal—the Family
Issue. See local writers read from their work and
join them for a reception. This event is coupled with
the visit of Arab American writer, Susan Abulhawa.
Cosponsored by the Loft, Dunn Bros Coffee and the
University of Minnesota. Mizna is a forum for Arab
American art. For more information: http://www.mizna.
org


Mizna: Latitudes Program Featuring Samah Fahmy, Sarah
Ahmed, Charlotte Albrecht, Naj Bagdadi, and Saed
Kakish
8/21-24, Pangea World Theater, 711 West Lake Street,
Minneapolis. 7:30 pm.

Join us for the celebration of Mizna's second group of
regranting recipients. This presentation, directed by
Dipankar Mukherjee, is a result of one years worth of
workshops and meetings. Mizna is a forum for Arab
American art. For more information:
http://www.mizna. org.

March on the RNC and Stop the War, September 1, 2008 –
St. Paul, MN

U.S. Out of Iraq Now! Money for human needs, not for
war
Say no to the Republican agenda Demand peace, justice
& equality

Make plans now to join the anti-war rally and march in
St. Paul on Labor Day, September 1st.

As the Republicans name a pro-war candidate, let's
remind them that we demand an end to the war and
occupation of Iraq now.

We have a chance to speak out and to be heard. The
media from many countries will be at the convention.
We can let the rest of the world know that the
majority of Americans demand a stop to the illegal and
immoral war and occupation of Iraq.

It is up to us to stand up and say "no" to a war that
costs $12 billion a month. Human needs in the U.S. and
around the world go unmet because of the war budget.
The war steals the future of Iraqi and other children
and grandchildren. We demand that money be spent on
human needs, not war.

Let's use Labor Day to stand in solidarity with
anti-war forces around the world, especially in Iraq.
. Let's make September 1, 2008, a day that the war
mongers will remember as a day that the anti-war
movement stood up to them. Together, we can change the
world.

Coalition to March on the RNC and Stop the War,
marchonrnc.org / 612-234-8774

--
Meredith Aby
Anti-War Committee
(antiwarcommittee. org)
Coalition to March on the RNC & End the War
(marchonrnc.org and protestrnc2008. org)
Colombia Action Network (colombiasolidarity. org)



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7. FW: Lawmaker stuns Colo. House by calling [Mexican]farmworkers 'ill
Posted by: "Marinez, Juan" marinezj@anr.msu.edu
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 11:03 am ((PDT))


> Lawmaker stuns Colo. House by calling farmworkers 'illiterate
peasants'
>
> A Colorado legislator who was censured for kicking a newspaper
> photographer in
> January was booted from the podium today after he called Mexican
> farmworkers "illiterate peasants."
>
> Republican Rep. Douglas Bruce's remark, which drew gasps from the
House,
> came
> during debate on legislation to help immigrants get temporary federal
> visas to
> ease Colorado's shortage of farmworkers.
>
> "I would like to have the opportunity to state at the microphone why I

> don't
> think we need 5,000 more illiterate peasants in Colorado," said Bruce,
who
> represents Colorado Springs.
>
> "How dare you!" snapped Democratic Rep. Kathleen Curry, who as debate
> chairwoman ended Bruce's privilege to speak.
>
> Legislative leaders are deciding what to do next. They could open a
formal
> ethics complaint and hearing, which could lead to suspension, censure
or
> expulsion.
>
> Bruce defended his remarks afterward:
>
> "I looked up 'illiterate' in the dictionary and it means somebody who
is
> lacking in formal education or is unable to read and write. I don't
think
> these
> people who are planning to come over here and pick potatoes or peaches
are
> likely to have much of a formal education. I looked up the word
'peasant.'
> The
> word 'peasant' means a person who works in agricultural fields.
>
> "These people, most of them, don't speak English. Most of them haven't
had
> any
> formal education, that's why they're coming over here. I don't blame
them
> for
> trying, but I don't think we should pave the way for more aliens to
come
> here."
>
> The (Colorado Springs) Gazette, Rocky Mountain News and Denver Post
have
> more.
> Read the particulars of the legislation here (pdf).
>
>
> (Photo of Rep. Douglas Bruce speaking on the floor of the Colorado
House
> via
> the State of Colorado.)
>
> http://blogs.usatoday.com/ondeadline/2008/04/lawmaker-stuns.html
> _______________________________________________
> Historia-l mailing list
> Historia-l@mail.cas.unt.edu
> https://mail.cas.unt.edu/mailman/listinfo/historia-l
>



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8. FW: Arizona Legislation will attempt to outlaw MEChA& Chicano Studie
Posted by: "Marinez, Juan" marinezj@anr.msu.edu
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 11:55 am ((PDT))


LA VOZ DE AZTLAN
Los Angeles, Alta California
April 17, 2008

Arizona legislation will outlaw MEChA and
Mexican-American Studies

The Appropriations Committee of the Arizona House of
Representatives has approved provisions to a "Homeland
Security" measure that would essentially destroy the
Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan (MEChA) and
Mexican-American study programs in the state's public
schools, colleges and universities.

The anti-Mexican provisions to SB1108 were approved
yesterday and the bill is now scheduled for a vote by
the full House.

The provisions would withhold funding to schools whose
courses "denigrate American values and the teachings
of European based civilization."

One section of SB1108 would bar public schools,
community colleges and universities from allowing
organizations to operate on campus if it is "based in
whole or in part on race-based criteria," a provision
Rep. Russell Pearce said is aimed at MEChA.

Pearce is a Republican and the Chairman of the
Appropriations Committee out of Mesa, Arizona.

According to Chairman Pearce, SB1108 would also bar
teaching practices that "overtly encourage dissent
from American values" such as Raza Studies at the
Tucson Unified School District.

In addition, SB1108 mandates the State Superintendent
of Public Instruction to confiscate books and teaching
materials that are deemed anti-American.

Chairman Pearce said some of the teaching materials
amount to "sedition" by suggesting that the current
border between the United States and Mexico disappear
with La Raza taking over the American Southwest.

One book that would be confiscated mentioned by Pearce
is "Occupied America - A History of Chicanos" by
Professor Rodolfo Acuña.







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________________________________________________________________________
9. Immigration: End the Widow Penalty
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 12:41 pm ((PDT))

Immigration: End the Widow Penalty

I am Brent Renison, an attorney who has volunteered
time to end an unjust practice - the widow penalty.
With this letter, I ask that you help end the widow
penalty by sending a letter to your Congressperson and
Senators and then forward this email to family and
friends. In less than two minutes, you can help end a
great deal of suffering.


The widow penalty is a little known crack in the law
that denies the spouses of American citizens permanent
resident status when the citizen spouse dies before
the agency can get to the application. Hundreds of
widows and widowers of American citizens who entered
this country legally and waited patiently for the
bureaucracy to act are now being told to leave, even
if they have US citizen children.

Write your representatives at:
http://www.immigrantslist.org/widowpenalty

On Mother's Day 2006, Marlin Coats died while trying
to save two drowning teens caught in a riptide at San
Francisco Beach Park. He lost his life, but those two
teenagers survived. The U.S. is now responding to
Coats' ultimate sacrifice by deporting his wife
Jacqueline Coats because of the widow penalty.

She is not alone - widows of U.S. contractors killed
in Iraq, Border Patrol Officers, victims of drunk
drivers, and more. One widow with a three month old
child of the marriage was told that she must go, but
her son could stay!

If the bureaucracy fails to act before the untimely
death, says USCIS, denial is automatic and there is no
appeal regardless of the circumstances. It is time for
us to end this unjust practice!

This crack in the law is surprisingly easy to fix -
with just a few words Congress can abolish the widow
penalty forever! These widows and widowers are such a
small group of people, however, that their voice is
drowned out. That's why they need our support.

Support them now by going to:
http://www.immigrantslist.org/widowpenalty

Please lend a helping hand to a surviving spouse by
letting your voice be heard in Congress on their
behalf! Then, forward this to just one friend in a
personal email and ask that they do the same.

Thank You,

Brent Renison
http://www.immigrantslist.org/pages/mission/



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10. Hispanic lawmakers call House Democrats 'spineless' on immigration
Posted by: "Francisco J. Gonzalez" guajataca01@yahoo.com guajataca01
Date: Wed Apr 23, 2008 2:42 pm ((PDT))

Hispanic lawmakers call House Democrats 'spineless' on
immigration
By ERICA WERNER , Associated Press

April 23, 2008

http://www.startribune.com/politics/national/congress/18053959.html

WASHINGTON - The Congressional Hispanic Caucus
denounced House Democratic leaders Wednesday as
"spineless" and little better than Republicans for
failing to take on comprehensive immigration reform.

Leaders of the all-Democratic caucus, which numbers
two dozen, criticized their party leadership at a news
conference for instead scheduling hearings on
enforcement legislation and specific visa issues.

They also complained that they are being blamed for
opposing bills strongly supported by other Democrats
that would add more visas for certain classes of
immigrants, such as high-tech or seasonal workers.
Instead, the Hispanic Caucus insists on a
comprehensive approach that would provide a path for
citizenship for some 12 million illegal immigrants now
living in the U.S.

Such legislation collapsed in the Senate last year and
Democratic House leaders have shown little appetite
for trying to revive the highly contentious issue in
an election year.

Rep. Raul Grijalva of Arizona called the Democratic
caucus "spineless."

"Today my party wants to do what is easy, not exactly
what is right," said Rep. Luis Gutierrez of Illinois.
"The leaders in our party who are arguing for
consideration of helping just a few immigrants are
risking the future of all immigrants."

Rep. Joe Baca, D-Calif., who chairs the Hispanic
Caucus, said the visa and other bills under
consideration were "nothing more than a Band-Aid being
used to cover up a gaping wound."

The lawmakers were particularly incensed because
hearings have been scheduled on a bill by moderate
first-term Rep. Heath Shuler, D-N.C., that focuses on
enforcement and would add border patrol agents.

If a Democratic majority can allow such a hearing,
"then we are no better than the Republican majority we
replaced," Gutierrez said.

The lawmakers refused to identify names but said the
piecemeal approach wouldn't be happening without the
consent of top House Democratic leaders.

Asked to respond, a spokesman for House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi, D-Calif., issued a statement blaming President
Bush and Republicans.

"Speaker Pelosi is committed to balanced, fair and
bipartisan immigration reform legislation," said the
statement from spokesman Nadeam Elshami, "but unless
the president and the Republican leadership engage
Democrats in a positive way instead of using this
issue to score partisan political points, members will
only grow more frustrated with the process."

Elshami also said that the speaker's office
anticipated a series of hearings to address
immigration issues "and respond to the concerns
expressed by House members of both parties."

Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-Calif., who chairs the House
Judiciary immigration subcommittee, said in an
interview that it would be difficult to pass a
comprehensive bill this year given the Senate's
failure.

"I guess the real question is if you can't do
everything you want is that an excuse for doing
nothing," said Lofgren, who's held a hearing on
seasonal workers but also on the comprehensive reform
bill supported by the Hispanic Caucus. Lofgren also
sponsored a bill extending visa eligibility for
religious workers that the House passed last week by
voice vote.

© 2008 Star Tribune. All rights reserved.



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Friday, March 21, 2008

tales have arisen as a result of the trial and the hanging, one of which claims that Chipita was protecting her illegitimate son

Is Deep in the Heart of Texas

RODRÍGUEZ, JOSEFA (?-1863). Josefa (Chipita) Rodríguez was for many years considered to be the only woman legally hanged in Texas. Most of her story verges on legend; facts surrounding her arrest, trial, and execution are scant, and many aspects of her story, including the name Josefa, cannot be verified. She is believed to have been the daughter of Pedro Rodríguez, who is said to have fled from Antonio López de Santa Anna.qv Chipita moved with her father to San Patricio de Hibernia, Texas, while quite young, and for many years after Rodríguez's death furnished travelers with meals and a cot on the porch of her lean-to shack on the Aransas River. When Cotton Road traveler John Savage was murdered with an ax, presumably for the $600 in gold which he had been carrying, Chipita was accused of robbery and murder. Recovery of the gold from the Aransas River north of San Patricio, where Savage's body was found in a burlap bag, raised substantial doubt about the motive for the crime, but Josefa Rodríguez and Juan Silvera (who sources suggest may have been her illegitimate son) were indicted on circumstantial evidence and tried before Fourteenth District Court judge Benjamin F. Nealqv at San Patricio. After Chipita pleaded not guilty, the jury recommended mercy, but Neal ordered her executed on November 13, 1863. For some time she was held at sheriff William Means's home in Meansville, where two attempts by a lynchingqv mob were thwarted. According to legend, Chipita was kept in leg irons and chained to a wall in the courthouse. There, local children brought her candy and shucks to make cigarettes. At the time, she was described as "very old" or "about ninety," but was probably in her sixties.

The court records, except for a week of transcripts, were burned in a courthouse fire or lost in a flood, and many discrepancies exist in trial accounts. From these it has been determined that no list of qualified jurors existed, but the sheriff, instructed as jury foreman to produce "at least twenty qualified men," produced closer to thirty; at least three members of the grand jury also served on the trial jury; the foreman of the grand jury was the sheriff who arrested her; members of both juries had been indicted on felony charges; Chipita had little in the way of defense counsel, and her sole defense was the words "not guilty." There was no appeal or motion in arrest of judgment, and though some talk of a retrial may have occurred, none took place. Lore says that resident Kate McCumber drove off hangman John Gilpin when he came for her wagon to transport Chipita to the hanging tree. At least one witness to the hanging claimed he later heard a moan from the coffin, which was placed in an unmarked grave. Many tales have arisen as a result of the trial and the hanging, one of which claims that Chipita was protecting her illegitimate son. Other sources indicate she may have been involved in gathering information to influence the state's decision about which side to take in the Civil Warqv and was framed as a political act. Her ghost is said to haunt the area, especially when a woman is sentenced to be executed. She is pictured as a specter with a noose around her neck, wailing from the riverbottoms. She has been the subject of two operas, numerous books, newspaper articles, and magazine accounts.

In 1985 state senator Carlos Truan of Corpus Christi asked the Texas legislature to absolve Chipita Rodríguez of murder. The Sixty-ninth Legislature passed the resolution, and it was signed by Governor Mark White on June 13, 1985.

Jane Elkins, a slave convicted of murder, was hanged on May 27, 1853, in Dallas. She was the first woman legally hanged in the state.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Francis Edward Abernethy, ed., Legendary Ladies of Texas, Publications of the Texas Folklore Society 43 (Dallas: E-Heart, 1981). Dallas Morning News, November 13, 1994. Rachel Bluntzer Hebert, Shadows on the Nueces (Atlanta: Banner, 1942). Ruel McDaniel, "The Day They Hanged Chipita," Texas Parade, September 1962. San Patricio County in 1976: A Bicentennial Perspective (Sinton, Texas: Sinton Bicentennial Celebrations, 1976). Vernon Smylie, A Noose for Chipita (Corpus Christi: Texas News Syndicate Press, 1970). Ruthe Winegarten, Finder's Guide to the 'Texas Women: A Celebration of History' Exhibit Archives (Denton: Texas Woman's University Library, 1984).

Marylyn Underwood

Wednesday, March 19, 2008

some Search Engine Optimization genius, who tells them that bl

Is Deep in the Heart of Texas
ISEC 2005

Inclusive and Supportive Education Congress
International Special Education Conference
Inclusion: Celebrating Diversity?

1st - 4th August 2005. Glasgow, Scotland
home
about the conference
programme
registration
accommodation
contact
Equality of Opportunity as a Rationale for Inclusive Education

Dr. Christian Liesen
Institute for Special Education – University of Zurich, Switzerland
Hirschengraben 48, CH-8001 Zurich
liesen@isp.unizh.ch


This paper seeks to discuss whether the principle of equality of opportunity could serve as a rationale for inclusive education. The first section aims at positioning the topic within the inclusive education discourse, narrowing down the scope. The second section presents a brief analysis of the notion of ‘equality of opportunity’ as well as some of its implications, while the third section addresses the question of how we are to know whether opportunities are equal. The last section seeks to draw some conclusions with respect to inclusive education. – It should be pointed out that the paper is solely meant for discussion.

1. The case for inclusive education: reasons and rationales

Many arguments have been brought forward to strengthen the case for inclusive education. Yet it is not always easy to follow the lines of reasoning, and little reflection is needed to notice certain contradictions and ambiguities and a good deal of eclecticism in the literature. The crux is, as Alan Dyson observed, that

(i)nclusion is different from many other fields of inquiry in that it is premised on an answer rather than a question. That ‘answer’, of course, is that inclusive education is superior in one or other way to non-inclusive education. The strength in this position is that it enables a relatively young field to define and advance itself in the face of considerable hostility. (…) The danger, however, is that it becomes all too easy for thinking on inclusion to descend from analysis to polemic, and for certain values and beliefs to become ossified, ultimately to the detriment of those marginalized groups on whose interests the inclusion movement claims to act. ( Dyson, 1999, p. 43f. )

Dyson has suggested to distinguish between two different but intersecting dimensions of the inclusive education movement: One is primarily concerned with providing a rationale for inclusion, whereas the other concentrates on the realisation of inclusion. Each dimension can again be subdivided into different discourses as follows. A rationale for inclusive education is either sought with reference to rights and social justice or by rigorously questioning the efficacy of special education (while claiming the superiority of inclusive education). The realisation of inclusion is frequently discussed either with respect to the political struggle for the implementation of inclusive education, or it is concerned with what inclusive education looks like inpractice (cf. Dyson, 1999, pp. 38-43 ). It is safe to say that these two dimensions / four discourses deliver a felicitous depiction of the inclusion debate’s crucial building blocks.

This paper is concerned with adumbrating the question whether equality of opportunity could serve as a rationale for inclusive education. It belongs, hence, in the context of the rights and social justice discourse. Concededly, the most important (and most interesting) question would actually be how the different building blocks interrelate, or ought to interact, in order to achieve progress in the field. Dyson does offer some very sensible and perspicacious suggestions on this (cf. ibid., pp. 44-48). The line of reasoning chosen here, by contrast, will allow only for a few rather cautious remarks in the final part of the paper. Proposed is the idea of merging, in a way, ethical considerations and empirical research in order to substantiate the case for inclusive education. As a consequence, some fundamental policy issues will emerge, alongside certain difficulties inherent to the rhetoric of inclusion.

2. Equality of opportunity

Let us shed, as a first step, some light on the principle of equality of opportunity. Peter Westen (1990) has presented an illuminating formal analysis. He states that opportunity

designates both a single concept and a multiplicity of conceptions. Each opportunity is like every other in that all opportunities reflect a certain formal relationship among agents, obstacles, and goals; but each opportunity also differs from other opportunities in that each is a relationship among particular agents, particular obstacles, and particular goals. ( Westen, 1990 , p. 171, italics added)

This may seem simple enough. Nevertheless, an important point with respect to the rhetoric of opportunity is already implied here: When opportunities are stated as a reason for, say, political action, speakers often do not specify the particular agents, obstacles, and/or goals they have in mind. Such a speech may still meet with approval although the underlying conceptions of speaker and listener may turn out to be radically different on closer examination. Rhetorical difficulties like these should be kept in mind.

Equal opportunities do not lead to equal outcomes. On the contrary, equal opportunities lead to inequality. There is sense in which a strong commitment to equality of opportunity is incompatible with equality of outcomes, and a society that aims at equalising opportunity is very different from a society that aims at equalising outcomes. The reason is that

(a)n ‘opportunity’ to attain a goal is a chance to attain a goal, not necessarily a guarantee of attaining it. Insofar as people have opportunities that are less than guarantees of what they wish, some of them will inevitably attain goals that others fail to attain. To create equal opportunity, therefore, is virtually always to allow people ‘to become unequal by competing against [their] fellows.’ (Westen, 1990, p. 176f.)

That equality of opportunity leads to inequality has some deeper implications. It can be argued that opportunities express and deliver a certain kind of liberty or freedom which is essential for society and which can not be achieved otherwise. Equality of opportunity is indispensable. T.D. Campbell enunciates the point as follows:

An opportunity may be said to occur when an agent is in a situation in which he may choose whether or not to perform some effortful act which is considered to be desirable in itself or as means to the attainment of some goal which is considered to be desirable. An opportunity is thus a type of liberty or freedom for it involves the absence of prohibitions or obstacles limiting what agents may or can do or acquire. […] (A)n opportunity is something which the agent may or may not take advantage of depending on whether or not he chooses to do so. One of the points about describing a situation as an opportunity is that this indicates that the outcome of the situation depends in part on the choices made by the person who has the opportunity. Opportunities can always be missed or passed up, neglected or rejected. Of course I may be forced to have an opportunity (as when I was compelled to go to school) but it is not an opportunity which I am forced to have if the attainment of the desired goal does not depend to some extent on my choices, that is, for instance, if whether or not I become educated as distinct from go to school, does not depend to some extent on my own volitions. If education as such could be compelled then we would not speak of educational opportunity, at least not in those cases where it is compelled. ( Campbell, 1975, p. 51/54, italics added )

It is true, of course, that not all opportunities are of particular concern to us. People do not care for all kinds of opportunities; they care first and foremost for educational and occupational opportunities. A ‘fair’ or ‘equal’ distribution of opportunities is relevant and vital especially in these domains. What comes into play here, then, is that equality of opportunity must be seen as a matter of distributive justice. A just society will usually seek to equalise opportunities in the sense of distributing them fair an equal. It is worth noticing, however, that opportunities can not be created or distributed at will. Westen notes that

creating one opportunity may mean denying another. Thus, whenever a society creates an opportunity by removing an obstacle that affects people differentially, it denies people the opportunity to benefit from the differential. And, whenever a society creates an opportunity by removing human obstacles, it denies people the opportunity to exploit those obstacles. This does not mean that societies should refrain from creating opportunities. It means, rather, that … the significant question for opportunity is not ‘Whether opportunity?’ but ‘Which opportunities?’ (Westen, 1990, p. 171)

Consequently and in most cases, with equality of opportunity as a rationale for inclusive education, apparently interests will have to be balanced. The interests of those who are excluded from participating effectively in society – of which the education system forms an essential part – will have to be weighed against the interests of those who are successful within such a framework and ‘benefit from the given differential’. A society will therefore have to deliberate about equalising opportunities, which is, ultimately, a democratic process (belonging to the realisation dimension).

It should be emphasized, however, that when a mismatch between a person’s situation and what may be called the dominant cooperative framework of society occurs, the results may be devastating. Being excluded from participating in the most basic interactions and cooperation of society strongly calls for compensation and adjustment. On this basic level, the interest in inclusion will by and large outweigh the interests of those who may be deprived of being as successful as they could be otherwise. If people are denied basic opportunities in this sense, they will normally be in the position of making strong claims in the cause of justice. But the question of particular interest is then, of course, ‘How do we know they are denied these opportunities?’, or more general, ‘How do we know whether opportunities are equal or not?’, e.g. in an education system.

3. How do we know when opportunities are equal?

We have seen so far that we should focus our attention on educational and occupational opportunities; that opportunities secure individual liberty and freedom and lead, consequently, to inequalities; and that equality of opportunity is a matter of distributive justice and may result in strong claims of justice in at least some cases. But on what grounds is it legitimate to judge whether opportunities are equal or not? How do we assess and evaluate equality of opportunity, especially with respect to inclusive education?

There is a substantive answer to this question. Any inquiry into whether opportunities in a given society are equal or not – or within parts of a society, such as the education system – will have to start from ascertainable inequalities under the prevailing circumstances. These inequalities will have to be sufficiently and adequately described in a way that most people would agree is accurate. (We will look at an example in a moment.)

The crucial point to be addressed will be whether or not the portrayed inequalities indicate that the principle of equality of opportunity has been violated. Onora O’Neill (1977) has argued that two different positions suggest themselves. One may be called the ‘formal’ (or ‘liberal’) position. It stresses that inequalities are due to the fact that people may choose to or refrain from taking advantage of the opportunities at hand. The members of society may be extremely unequal in educational and occupational attainment, but if so, it must be the result of the varying capacities, volitions, and desires of those to whom the respective selection procedures are applied. Once the distributive and selective procedures are fair, there is nothing left to complain about. As O’Neill points out,

(s)uch an ‘equal-opportunity society’ would … not be characterized by equal incomes or equal property holdings or equal standards of living or of education. (…) Equal opportunity in the formal sense does not ensure equal success or equal health or equal status, but only the fair application of the rules governing the pursuit of such goods. This is the equality of opportunity of … a society in which there are winners and losers, and in which winning appears often as merited by the winners and losing as deserved by the losers – for did they not all have equal opportunity to win? ( O'Neill, 1977 , p. 180)

The other position may be called the ‘substantive’ (or ‘egalitarian’) position. It stresses that inequalities must not indicate a disproportionate success of certain social groups in a society. Instead, all major social groups – but not all individuals – must fare equally well.

An equal-opportunity society on the substantive view is one in which the success rates of all major social groups are the same. (…) A strong commitment to substantive equality of opportunity demands that any under-representation of some group in some line of employment / income group / educational group be due solely to the unmanipulated choice of members of that group. (…) Substantively equal opportunity is achieved when the success rates of certain major social groups – such as the two sexes, various ethnic groups and perhaps various age groups – are equalized. It is not breached when there are large differences between the most- and least-successful members of these groups, provided that there are equally large differences between the most- and least-successful members of other major social groups. It is not true in a society which aims at substantively equal opportunities that all individuals have the same chance of any given type of success. For individuals are all members of many differently defined groups, and substantive equality of opportunity seeks only to equalize their chances qua members of certain major social groups; it seeks to eliminate inter-group differences, but not to alter intra-group ones. ( O'Neill, 1977 , p. 181-83)

This position is ready to acknowledge that people’s perspectives in life are not exclusively ascribable to a person’s capacities, volitions, and desires. As a matter of fact, there are disadvantages which are undeserved and beyond individual control, such as being disabled or of old age. The ‘substantive’ position is concerned with identifying adequate characteristics of major social groups to enable sound comparisons and call for compensation where needed.

To illustrate, a good example are some results from the PISA study (cf. www.pisa.oecd.org). The OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is an internationally standardised assessment that was jointly developed by the participating countries (30 OECD member states plus 13 associated countries in the first assessment in 2000; at least 58 countries will participate in the next assessment in 2006). PISA claims to assess “how far students near the end of compulsory education have acquired some of the knowledge and skills that are essential for full participation in society.” The idea is to give information about the capacities and the potential of education systems. Does an education system prepare students well?

It is only recently that OECD has published some findings concerning equity and quality in the light of the PISA 2000 results. The report states that

(i)n sum, PISA 2000 results show that students in integrated education systems perform, on average, better than those in selective education systems, and that their educational performance is less dependent on their background. Many factors may be at play here. A higher average performance suggests that the more heterogeneous student groups or classes in integrated education systems could have a beneficial effect for the lower-performing students. Also, the flexibility offered by an integrated system may allow students to improve their performance while keeping their academic options open. ( OECD, 2005 , p. 89)

In the main findings section, the report reads:

A striking result was the advantage that comprehensive education systems appear to have in terms of student performance (quality). PISA 2000 results suggest that the performance of students enrolled in comprehensive education systems is less dependent on their socio-economic background. ( ibid., p. 94)

From the perspective of equality of opportunity, it is not so much the aspect of performance (‘quality’) that is of interest here but rather the aspect of uncoupling socio-economic background and performance (‘equity’). There are some countries – Germany is a sad example – in which the social background of a student has a very strong impact (‘predictive power’) on student performance. This means, to put the matter bluntly, that it is not a student’s capacity to perform that determines what he or she will achieve, but first and foremost his or her socio-economic background. The result is that students with a low social background are manifestly underrepresented on the higher levels of the education system.

The ‘liberal’ position has no option but to ascribe this situation to individual factors, say, motivation or ability. This is highly implausible, at least in the case of countries that have had to experience a rude awakening by PISA, such as Germany or Switzerland. ‘Substantive’ equality of opportunity, on the other hand, is precisely concerned with cases like these: Members of a major social group – i.e., students with a lower socio-economic background – are disadvantaged due to factors that are undeserved and beyond individual control, while other groups display disproportionate success. This does call for an equalisation of opportunities.



4. Equality of opportunity and inclusive education: some considerations

In the final part of this paper, I would like to draw some conclusions concerning equality of opportunity and inclusive education.

First, I think that equality of opportunity can serve as a rationale for inclusive education if and only if inclusion is understood in the sense of equity. This would mean to adopt the substantive view of equal opportunity, and will require to provide empirical evidence to show that a major social group of society is indeed undeservedly disadvantaged. It would also mean to suggest that some form of inclusive education is the right course of action to take.

Second, to provide a rationale for inclusive education is obviously very different from the realisation of inclusive education. It should be kept in mind that other interests will have to be allowed for as well and that there might be considerable opposition, even if the claims could compellingly be shown to be legitimate ones. This should not belie the fact, however, that being in the position to provide a rationale for inclusive education is very different from simply claiming that it is right. It is precisely because different and mutually incompatible interests are involved that arguments have to be provided (and there are some highly interesting contributions in this kind of spirit, for example Booth & Ainscow, 1998; Pijl, Meijer & Hegarty, 1997; Vitello & Mithaug, 1998 ).

Third, if this idea bears any validity at all, it has to be pointed out that the rhetoric of inclusion tends to disguise some fundamental points here, especially in relation to policy. For example, the rhetoric of ‘celebrating diversity’ tends to downplay the fact that different legitimate interests are involved and have to be balanced. Cause for concern gives also the factor that any policy perspective will always have to operate along the lines of defining social groups. It may come as a surprise that this is not only due to administrative reasons (cf. Dever, 1990 ) but is also demanded from an ethically informed perspective. There are no claims of distributive justice – and hence no rationale for inclusive education – without the construction of social groups. The talk of heterogeneity isn’t much help in these matters, the more so as it quite often blurs who is thought to be the target group of inclusion within the inclusive education discourse.

Fourth, it will be as unavoidable as it is fruitful to strive to merge ethical considerations and empirical research in some respect. The idea behind this is that an empirical basis is indispensable in order to substantiate claims, while at the same time ethical considerations are indispensable to provide a sensible interpretative framework for empirical findings and to draw sound conclusions. One main feature of these arguments, reasons and rationales is that they must be eligible to convince others on grounds they can not reasonably reject – to convincingly argue the case.

Fifth, there seems to be a broad consensus that inclusive education has to be conceptualised as a general education topic, not as another issue of special education. Equality of opportunity might help us to engross the implications of what this actually means. It might help us to see the big picture.

Sixth, it has to be pointed out that there is not one choice in these matters, but many. There is no unequivocal course of action to take. Dyson’s proposal to talk not of inclusion, but of inclusions, and to seek not a single form but a wide range of inclusive practice and organisation (1999, p. 46), deserves a good deal more of attention. Moreover, I think the field of special education should be very serious about Seamus Hegarty’s remark that inclusive education has to be about changing and modifying system in a way that preserves all its strengths (cf. Hegarty, 1998 , p. 156).

References

BOOTH T. & AINSCOW M. (eds.) (1998) From Them to Us. An International Study of Inclusion in Education. London: Routledge.

CAMPBELL T.D. (1975) Equality of Opportunity. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 75, 51-68.

DEVER R.B. (1990) Defining Mental Retardation from an Instructional Perspective. Mental Retardation 28 (3), 147-53.

DYSON A. (1999) Inclusion and Inclusions: Theories and Discourses in Inclusive Education. IN Daniels H. & Garner P. (eds.) World Yearbook of Education 1999: Inclusive Education. London: Kogan, 36-53.

HEGARTY S. (1998) Challenges to Inclusive Education: A European Perspective. IN Vitello S. & Mithaug D.E. (eds.) Inclusive Schooling: National and International Perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 151-65.

O'NEILL O. (1977) How Do We Know When Opportunities Are Equal? IN Vetterling-Braggin M., Elliston F.A. & English J. (eds.) Feminism and Philosophy. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littlefield, 177-89.

OECD (2005) School Factors Related to Quality and Equity. Results from Pisa 2000. Paris: OECD.

PIJL S.J., MEIJER C. & HEGARTY S. (eds.) (1997) Inclusive Education: A Global Agenda. London: Routledge.

VITELLO S. & MITHAUG D.E. (eds.) (1998) Inclusive Schooling. National and International Perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

WESTEN P. (1990) Speaking of Equality. An Analysis of the Rhetorical Force of Equality in Moral and Legal Discourse. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

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